It wouldn’t be fair to evade the fact that the Czech Presidency kicked off under the worst auspices - and when one criticises the Presidency, one is not referring of course to the country or to the people but to the Czech government. It is true that the Czech Republic was unlucky since, as if the problems it inherited - the European and global recession, the prolongation of Europe’s institutional impasse - were not enough, the world brought forth two more as soon as Prague assumed duties: an energy dispute outside EU territory - between two non-EU countries (Russia, Ukraine) - but with pan-European ramifications, on the one hand, Israel’s attack against Gaza and the consequent upheaval close to the European South-Eastern border, on the other. Although this new presiding country neither hid from the problem nor spared diplomatic, intermediating efforts in the case of the energy crisis, on the other three fronts, its moves so far have been disappointing. “More American than an American”, the Czech Foreign Minister rushed to blame only Hamas for the tragedy in Gaza - before he was brought back into line. The damage was done though, both to the Presidency’s prestige and, most importantly, to the European Union. Immediately thereafter, the Czech Presidency presented a work programme as if the financial crisis had never occurred, as if its depth and consequences had not been comprehended. A neoliberal programme of the old school type (opposed not only to what we Socialists believe but also to all that Sarkozy said and did as President of the Union) placing emphasis on “competitiveness” and “the removal of barriers that still stand in the way of the free movement of goods and services”, as if this were the problem in Europe and the world today. Things are even worse on the institutional front given that the Czech President Klaus (who, among other things, refuses to put up the Union flag) embraces a provocatively anti-European rhetoric while the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty is still pending. The performance given before the European Parliament’s plenary in Strasbourg last January by the more moderate -at least in theory - Prime Minister Topolanek convinced even the most optimistic that the Czech Presidency is in no way willing to re-normalise things in sight of the second Irish referendum which is going to take place after this summer’s European Elections (it could do that in two very simple ways: by lifting its own abeyance and thus making life easier for the “ Yes” campaign in Dublin). On the contrary, it intends to take advantage of its position at the Union’s helm in order to fuel the resistance against the - imperfect yet necessary - Lisbon Treaty. Evidential of the situation is Czech Prime Minister’s staggering phrase: “The Lisbon Treaty is worse than the Treaty of Nice”- a phrase whose only positive result will be to boost comparative law studies (dissertations are being completed on it in all European universities as we speak).
Some argue that it is too early to dismiss a presidency that is going to last six months - if only they were right... What is already clear though is that Europe cannot keep on living, especially in a time of continuous structural crisis, under the threat of the “Czech Roulette”, namely the continuous and random succession of countries at the Union’s helm. For the system to change, so that Europe can gain a sense of direction, the Lisbon Treaty – upon which we need to build and not repose - must come into force. We are not voting on that in June. The ballot-box message though will, among other things, have a decisive influence on this particular and crucial for Europe’s future development.

Crucial year ahead both for Europe and for politics in general. Europe is walking on a razor’s edge: it is crippled by the financial crisis and institutionally suspended; pretences temporarily saved by the French presidency are again under imminent threat, since the Czech Republic took the wheel and put the gear towards a wholly different direction. Politics is omnipresent – in words as well as in expectations - but it has not yet managed to make the difference anticipated by the citizens, the difference that would do justice to its own raison d'etre. At times, one has the impression that crisis sits somewhere outside the European decision-making institutions. Doing politics is so much saturated with “business as usual” -a suffocating and indecent notion in these times -, that the citizens are further distanced from it. Both for Europe and for all the political parties - primarily for the Socialists - next June’s European Elections constitute a (last?) chance and a (deadly?) danger at the same time: a chance to let people’s sensibilities be expressed (by voting in the elections for the ones who have a positive vision for Europe), to prove the value of politics (through a pre-election campaign rich in substance, devoid of empty rhetoric, geared towards brave yet realistic solutions) as well as the difference between the “Centre Right” and the “Centre Left” world views; but also an eventual danger, should all or some of the afore-mentioned not take place, of Europe appearing like an empty shell washed out by the storm in a place where no one will be willing or able to go.
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